rowyn: (worried)
See, here’s what I don’t get. This is from the historical tables spreadsheet found at budget.gov (figures are in millions of dollars):

Year Receipts Outlays Surplus or Deficit(−)
2006 2,406,876 2,655,057 -248,181
2007 2,568,001 2,728,702 -160,701
2008 2,523,999 2,982,554 -458,555
2009 2,104,995 3,517,68 -1,412,686
2010 estimate 2,165,119 3,720,701 -1,555,582
2011 estimate 2,567,181 3,833,861 -1,266,680


You can see that we're running a deficit the whole time, of course. In 2008, the economy goes in the toilet and outlays start to rise: 700 billion set aside for TARP, and President G. W. Bush's stimulus -- which was, I dunno, 100 or 200 billion?

In 2009, we're still paying for TARP, bailouts, plus the much more expensive -- what, 900 billion or so? -- stimulus from President Obama.

That stimulus was supposed to be one-time, right? And most of the money lent to banks under TARP has been repaid, and under the TARP act, repaid TARP money must be used for deficit reduction.

So if the stimulus was one-time and TARP was repaid, why are budget outlays for 2010 estimated as higher than 2009, and 2011 higher than 2010? 2011's estimate for outlays is over a trillion more than 2007's -- a whopping 40% increase in spending from 4 years earlier. (I don't know what the estimate on inflation for 2010 and 2011 is, but for the four years from 2005 to 2009 it totaled 10.7% -- annual inflation was around 2.6% or so). I'm just talking about what we're spending here, not the deficit or receipts.

I've been trying not to freak over the deficit thing, because I freaked in the 80s when Reagan ran up the deficit and the sky was supposed to fall but never did. But HOLY COW, the average deficit for the 10 years prior to 2009 was about 10% the deficit estimate for 2010. Eep. Okay, I know that comparing 1999 dollars to 2010 dollars is totally not fair, but still ... eep. O_O

Pet Peeve

Jan. 27th, 2010 09:41 am
rowyn: (studious)
Reporting on the US federal gov't's deficit always talks about the raw numbers: ($1.35 trillion!) Sometimes it mentions percentage of GDP (9.2%!)

It hardly ever talks about government income.

I get the feeling that government income generally goes up and down in a way that has very little to do with raising or lowering taxes, and a great deal to do with whether or not the economy is booming. But I don't really know, because 'how much money does the government receive?' isn't a question reporters are interested in answering. v.v Maybe I'll dig through the CBO's website and see if they can tell me.
rowyn: (thoughtful)
This is why I don't like campaign finance reform laws.

Those cases have also spawned complex, multifactor tests applied by a government bureaucracy to restrict many entities and forms of speech. There are different rules for over 70 different entities, from corporations to partnerships, and the FEC has varying rules for 33 different forms of political speech. Those exceptions mean that while some corporations are prohibited from engaging in political speech, others are not. While General Motors is prohibited, General Electric, which owns NBC and MSNBC, is not because of the exception in the law for political speech by media corporations.


"Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech" is such a pleasantly simple statement. Easy to understand. That's what I like about the Constitution -- it's short and to the point -- and hate about modern law, which is pretty much incomprehensible to everyone. :/
rowyn: (Default)
Ooooh, nifty!

This link is via [livejournal.com profile] shadesong, and it may seem like an odd thing for someone who often likes libertarian ideas to be interested in:

The idea is simple: The payment of a basic monthly income, funded with tax revenues, of 100 Namibia dollars, or about €9 ($13), for each citizen. There are no conditions, and nothing is expected in return. The money comes from various organizations, including AIDS foundations, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation and Protestant churches in Germany's Rhineland and Westphalia regions.


This paragraph is a bit perplexing, because it starts with "funded by tax revenue" and concludes with "the money comes from charity". From reading the rest of the article, it looks like the experimental version is funded by charity, with the hope of expanding it nationwide to an taxpayer-funded entitlement. I admit I generally have a bias in favor of charitable endeavors, because I prefer people to help other people voluntarily, rather than force being used to coerce a group of people to give up funds and then spending those funds to help people.

But the thing that really intrigues me is the "no conditions" part. Some years ago, I wrote about Charles Murray's book, "In Our Hands" (available as free download here), which posited replacing all existing social programs with a flat $10,000 annual income grant to all citizens over 21.

The thing that intrigues me about Murray's proposal is that it doesn't offer incentives against earning money of your own. Traditional assistance programs phase out if the person earns money outside the program: "we give assistanct to those who need it, so if you don't seem to need it we stop". Which makes sense on the surface, but it has the unintended consequence of offering people an incentive (aid funds) for not doing something you'd like them to do (earn money). Now, of course what people decide to do or not do is by no means based solely on specific economic incentives. Still, making economic incentives line up with desired results is generally a good thing. The economic incentives under Murray's plan still line up; granted, you might not need to work in order to eat and house yourself, but you will not lose any existing benefits by working, either.

And I've long thought it would be neat to try out his plan as an experiment, to see what would happen. Would people really stop working because their basic necessities were already seen to? Or would the lure of additional money be compelling enough to keep the economy strong enough to fund the entitlement? But the cost of running such an experiment for a town in the US is prohibitively high for a charity to tackle.

But the cost of a living stipend is much lower in Namibia! And look, some people are actually trying it! How cool is that? I will totally be following this to see how it goes long-term. I hope they're able to extend beyond the two-year original plan -- two years isn't really enough time to gauge the full effect either way.
rowyn: (thoughtful)
Yesterday's Wall Street Journal had an opinion column on health care reform.  The WSJ has had many many way too many columns on health care reform lately, some of which have good ideas and many of which are about how President's Obama's proposals will RUIN US ALL and also KILL BABIES.  No, no, they're not nearly that bad, and I am being grossly unfair.  I'm sorry.  I don't actually like the proposals being tossed around in Congress either, but I still get tired of hearing the same points harped on over and over again.

Anyway, the linked essay does some of that harping, but it also had eight  ideas to offer for health care reform.  The interesting thing about these ideas is that they aren't necessarily incompatible with a government option for covering the uninsured. Five didn't even seem controversial to me, either; I'm quoting those below and adding my thoughts.
Remove the legal obstacles that slow the creation of high-deductible health insurance plans and health savings accounts (HSAs). The combination of high-deductible health insurance and HSAs is one solution that could solve many of our health-care problems. For example, Whole Foods Market pays 100% of the premiums for all our team members who work 30 hours or more per week (about 89% of all team members) for our high-deductible health-insurance plan. We also provide up to $1,800 per year in additional health-care dollars through deposits into employees' Personal Wellness Accounts to spend as they choose on their own health and wellness.
Money not spent in one year rolls over to the next and grows over time. Our team members therefore spend their own health-care dollars until the annual deductible is covered (about $2,500) and the insurance plan kicks in. This creates incentives to spend the first $2,500 more carefully. Our plan's costs are much lower than typical health insurance, while providing a very high degree of worker satisfaction.

This is one of my favorite options for healthcare reform. I hate the way my insurance company is involved in every single bloody transaction involving a physician.  I don't want to contact my health insurance company every time I need stitches for a cut or a tetanus shot, any more than I want to call my home insurance provider every time I break a window.  It just adds a layer of bureaucracy, expense, and inefficiency to the process.  Current tax policy doesn't subsidize home insurance or home repairs (well, in general), so it doesn't affect my decision to have a high deductible or a low deductible.

But current tax policy does subsidize employer-provided health plans with low deductibles, and makes it a pain in the butt if you want the same subsidy for an HSA/high deductible combo.  So it's trying to corral me down a low-deductible path that I dislike, and I don't see why the government should care whether I pay for my health care by paying $4000 a year for a low-deductible policy, or by paying $1200 for a high deductible one and covering the deductible with cash when I use services.  OK, the former is better for insurance companies, but I didn't think the point of this exercise was to make insurance companies happier.
Equalize the tax laws so that employer-provided health insurance and individually owned health insurance have the same tax benefits. Now employer health insurance benefits are fully tax deductible, but individual health insurance is not. This is unfair.

This is another thing area of tax law that I don't get.  Why does the government want to subsidize my health care if I get it as a benefit from my employer, but not want to subsidize it if I buy it on my own?  I'm guessing that it's based on an argument that goes something like this: "People are short-sighted, so they won't buy health insurance if left to their own devices.  So we want to encourage employers to provide it for them by subsidizing employers-only.  We can't offer the same subsidy to individuals, because then employers would lose the ability to tout insurance coverage as a better benefit than offering additional salary."

I guess that argument makes some sense.  I don't agree with it, but it's not as nonsensical as "high-deductible policies combined with HSAs should be hard to get compared to low-deductible policies."

Repeal all state laws which prevent insurance companies from competing across state lines. We should all have the legal right to purchase health insurance from any insurance company in any state and we should be able use that insurance wherever we live. Health insurance should be portable.

I'm sure there is some reason to force insurance companies to offer policies in only their own state, but I don't know what it is.  Anyone?
Repeal government mandates regarding what insurance companies must cover. These mandates have increased the cost of health insurance by billions of dollars. What is insured and what is not insured should be determined by individual customer preferences and not through special-interest lobbying.

This goes with "I like high-deductible policies so neither I nor my doctor has to deal with insurance companies as much"; insofar as government legislates such policies out of existence, I'm annoyed by it.  But here I can see counter-arguments of "insurance can be insanely complicated if you let companies offer whatever they want, and then people won't understand what they want".  So I'm happy to see government regulation (no, really!) that forces standardization on insurance companies, especially standardizing the way benefits are explained.  I'm not wild about legislating products out of existence, though.  "No, you're not allowed to buy an insurance policy that doesn't cover X, even if you want to." OTOH, some products are especially pernicious (to use a facetious example: insurance that is automatically terminated if you get sick).  Loans charging 100% annual interest were legislated out of existence in the US*, not noticeably to the detriment of either consumers or lending institutions, so I'm not willing to say "no, never ever do that it's always bad".  It isn't always bad.  But I do think it should be done sensibly; if a type of insurance could be purchased by a rational person in a given situation, even if such people only make up a small fraction of the population, it ought to be legal.

* Yes, yes, some payday loans have effective annual interest rates of more than 100% when considering the fees and the short duration of the loans.  You know what I meant.
Make costs transparent so that consumers understand what health-care treatments cost. How many people know the total cost of their last doctor's visit and how that total breaks down? What other goods or services do we buy without knowing how much they will cost us?

This is another area where some government regulation to standardize forms would probably be for the best.  I mean, it would be ideal if doctors and insurance companies would voluntarily form a board to set standards of how they're going to explain costs and what's covered by insurance and what isn't on any given bill.  For that matter, it'd be nice if insurance companies would set a standard amongst themselves for how medical providers filed claims, because that is a total nightmare for providers of every kind.  But if they're not going to do it on their own, maybe the government needs to threaten to do it to for them.

None of these seem particularly earth-shaking or partisan to me. Any given person might not think they'd help much, but it doesn't seem like anyone would accuse them of KILLING BABIES or RUINING US ALL, or even having the potential of doing much damage to the existing industry.

I also don't expect any of them to happen.  I'm not entirely sure why they won't.  Maybe it's that they're not earth-shaking enough: the people who want a change want a SOLUTION, not an incremental thing that they think will only help a little if at all.  And if you want a solution to all the country's health care problems, maybe an incremental benefit looks like a bad thing, because they fear if the system gets to "good enough" then people will lose their will to get it to "perfect".

Maybe it's that they're too time-consuming to implement. "Repeal laws" is pretty easy, but standardizing thousands of individual bureaucracies is ... um ... daunting.  And expensive. Not only to create a good standard, but also to implement that standard across so many different companies.

Or maybe there are downsides to these ideas that I'm not thinking of.  What do you think?  Are there controversial aspects to these changes that I've missed, beyond the difficulties of political backing and setting standards?
rowyn: (thoughtful)
I've been reading here and there about the economic stimulus bill in Congress, but not very much about it in LJ. Which made me curious what my friends think of it. Hence, a quickie poll!

[Poll #1346426]

Also, if any of you are so inclined, I'd be happy to hear your thoughts in detail. :)
rowyn: (sledgehammer)
The House Committee on Education and Labor hears testimony on nationalizing* pensions and 401(k) accounts.

Dear Congress:

I do not want a bailout. I do not want to be punished for having chosen to save for my retirement by having my savings taken away from me. I do not want my retirement savings to go bankrupt by the time I'm 65 the way the existing Social Security Administration is going to. In short:

DO NOT WANT.

Please keep your grubby hands off of my investments. K thx.

Love and kisses,
Rowyn

* Edit: [livejournal.com profile] shaterri looked at the actual testimony (which I can't do at the moment, so see his comment below), and apparently the article linked above is at the least inflammatory if not outright fabrication: the testifying speaker doesn't advocate "confiscating" existing 401(k)s or pensions. I feel better. Thanks, Shaterri! And I'm sure Congress wouldn't take her seriously even if she had. Really. 99.9% sure, anyway.
rowyn: (content)
I haven't written much about politics this year. Those who know me could guess that I'd vote for McCain, and I did. I voted mostly libertarian candidates otherwise, because I still believe that a smaller and less interventionist government would be better for America.

Despite this, I'm not upset that Mr. Obama won, or that Democrats control the House and the Senate. I'm kind of happy, in fact. Mostly because the people who voted for Mr. Obama voted for him. In 2004, few people voted for either presidential candidate. They voted against Bush, or they voted against Kerry, and no one would have been happy no matter who won. They were, at best, not as unhappy as they would have been if the other guy won. This year, half or so of America is pleased with the winner, and I'm happy for them. Plus, they might be right and I might be wrong, which is a pleasant prospect for me when I look to the future.

Best Case Scenario: Mr. Obama gets to implement the economic and foreign policies that he campaigned on, and it all works. People with high incomes pay more taxes, people with middle incomes pay lower taxes, people with low incomes pay no tax at all and get subsidies from the government. This moves the US closer to income equality with no other side effects. The expansion of federal programs and public-works projects causes unemployment to fall, and these programs are run altruistically and efficiently, to the benefit of the public they're to serve. Protectionist policies succeed in making companies employ more Americans and allow American companies to sell more goods in America and eliminate the trade deficit. Tax hikes on individuals with high incomes and successful corporations raise the federal government's income and balance the budget. Negotiations with dictators and governments that support terrorism persuade them to see issues our way and moves them away from totalitarianism and terrorism. Mandates for health insurance provide healthcare to all in a manner that's efficient, cost-effective, and maximizes the benefits to everyone.

Alternative* Scenario: Mr. Obama gets to implement the economic and foreign policies that he campaigned on, and it all fails decisively enough that no one ever tries to do it again. Raising taxes on successful businesses and people with high incomes and subsidizing people with low incomes disincentivizes workers and companies alike from working hard: productivity falls, unemployment rises. Expanded federal programs and public-works projects are rife with ineffiiencies and corruption and cause a massive waste of money and resources. Protectionist policies result in higher prices for consumers and cause retaliatory policies in other countries that make American goods uncompetitive abroad. Government control of health care disincentivizes private research and causes a decline in the development of new treatments and techniques; funneling tax dollars into research cannot make up the gap because government-administered policies do not offer effective incentives and result in massive waste. Government revenues fall sharply despite the increased percentage of GDP that taxes make up, because the economy tanks further and GDP shrinks dramatically. Negotiations with dictators and governments that support terrorism emboldens them; American diplomats make more and more concessions to those regimes in the hopes of reciprocation that never comes.

If you know me, you know that I think the second scenario is more likely than the first. But do not mistake me: I'm not rooting for the second scenario. I'd be much happier to live in the America of my "best case scenario". Just because I don't think it'll work doesn't mean I don't want it to work. Of course, I don't want to try things that I think will fail. But if we're going to try it anyway, I would much prefer for it to succeed. Given a choice between saying "I told you so" amidst the wreckage, or saying "I was wrong" amidst prosperity and success -- hey, saying "I was wrong" isn't that hard.

But the truth is, I don't think either of the scenarios above will come to pass in the next two to four years. This is my actual expectation:

Likely Scenario: Mr. Obama implements some of his policies but not all of them. Some good things and some bad things happen in the economy and around the world. The Republicans take credit for any good things, saying they're the result of the Republican legacy, and blame any problems on whatever the Democrats have done. At the same time, the Democrats take credit for any good things, saying they're the result of their policies, and ascribe any problems to the Republican legacy and/or compromise with Republicans and/or Republican action to block legislation. No one can demonstrate to the satisfaction of anyone not already on their side whether any given policy is working or failing. America muddles along as she always has, doing more good than harm because the system, by the grace of God, works. Because the system that we all like to rail against for preventing real change, is also the thing that checks some of the worst impulses and propagates some of the best ideas of every side. It pleases no one, but America's been led alternately by Republicans and Democrats for a long time, and she's the world's only superpower and has had one of the strongest economies in the world for many decades. She's probably doing something right, and I think she still will be for the next four years. Maybe because of the people running her, and maybe in spite of them, and whichever is it I doubt I'll ever know for sure. But I'm grateful for it, nonetheless.

* I started out calling this my "second-best" case scenario, but when I think about the level of carnage it would take to make the vast majority believe it was the result of new policies ... well, it's not the *worst* case, which is "carnage happens anyway but with no consensus as to why". But it's still low on my list of possible scenarios.
rowyn: (sledgehammer)
Okay, here's what I hate about mainstream financial reporting.

It throws around big numbers with no context. It tosses about terms without defining them and misleads readers, very badly, about what's actually going on.

I'm going to try to explain what happened with AIG. I may even try to do it without ranting. Bear with me.

The AIG deal has been described as a "bailout" which "cost $85 billion". From this, one might conclude that the Federal Reserve gave AIG an $85 billion present with no strings attached. This is ... not true. See, I said I'd try not to rant.

The Fed gave AIG an $85 billion loan at a rate of Prime + 8% (that's currently 13%, and is a rate my bank would be ashamed to offer on unsecured loans). In return for this loan (not an investment, mind you, a loan) the Fed also received a 79.9% equity stake and forced the ousting of AIG's CEO*.

This is the Fed's "bailout" of AIG. It takes control of the company, dilutes AIG's shares, and charges an onerous interest rate. This is not a sweetheart deal. This is not something you want to have happen to your company. The directors' reaction to the offer was not "Praise the Lord! We are saved!" It was "... come to think of it, bankruptcy's not that bad." In fact, AIG's directors almost didn't accept. And yes, their only other alternative at that juncture was bankruptcy. The Fed's offer was so bad that it's just marginally better for AIG's shareholders than a bankruptcy filing, which would wipe them out completely instead of just mostly. It is significantly better for AIG's creditors and customers than a bankruptcy filing, since an AIG which is still in business is much more likely to pay them back in full. This is as it should be: shareholders get most of the benefits when a company does well and accordingly should shoulder most of the burden when it plunges. The deal was not offered for the benefit of AIG or its shareholders. It was extended for the benefit of AIG's creditors, customers, and the broader market. (Whether or not it is good for the broader market is debatable. It's supposed to calm fears but it's questionable whether it actually does, and moreover nationalization under any terms is usually bad for the overall economy).

Now, as a good little libertarian, I don't want my government in the business of selling insurance or leasing airplanes (those two arms of AIG's operations are in fine shape, btw) or engaging in credit default swaps** (which is what killed the company). So as a libertarian, I don't want them to own the company even at fire-sale prices.

That said, as a good little capitalist I gotta say that Mr. Paulson drove one heck of a bargain. I think he's appraised the risk well and that the deal for AIG was not only a reasonable valuation of its worth, but probably undervalues it. In other words, I think the taxpayer is going to make money on this deal in the long run, not lose money. That's not a guarantee of profit: this is a deal made under the capitalist system and this year's lesson is "Capitalism Involves Risk". Just because the odds are 60:40 in your favor doesn't mean you will win on any given bet. This is a bet. It may well lose money.

But what it's not is a gift. It is not an $85 billion Christmas present from Santa Federal Reserve to AIG. It is not an excuse for every other company to whine "but where's my present?"

You want what AIG got? Then bend over and grab your ankles.

And when Detroit automakers come complaining that they deserve a loan too, well, you can tell 'em this from me: if they want to offer an 80% equity stake in return for a loan at 13% interest, I bet they don't need to go to Washington to find a taker.

...

OK, I didn't manage to do that without ranting. Sorry.

* This last is a shame, actually, because the poor guy had only had the job two months and AIG's collapse was hardly his fault. I think giving him the sack was a political move, part of the Fed's message to other companies in dire straits: "do NOT let this happen to you or you WILL regret it".
** "Credit default swaps" are bets between two companies on whether or not a loan will default. Insitutional investors in loan securities, like those lovely subprime ones you've heard so much about, would buy credit default swaps as protection in the event of a default on their investment. AIG was on the side of the bet that said these wouldn't default. Obviously, this did not turn out to be a winning bet.
rowyn: (sledgehammer)
I am not an expert on financial matters, but I've been following financial news for the last ten years or so. I read it because I find the workings of the market and businesses ... fun. Some people like to read about politics or international incidents or local crime; me, I like hearing about why companies are succeeding or failing, why they're making the decisions they do. Business, at its root, is all about the things people do every day; maybe that's why it interests me.

It's been an interesting time for business news recently, in the Chinese proverb sense. Some of this raises the kind of passion in me that most people reserve for political issues like abortion.

So just to warn you: this is a rant. I am ranting about mortgage lending, which is very topical if not normally considered the subject of ranting. I will endeavor to give some useful information and not be boring, but my biases will color my presentation. But I do know that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac didn't really eat babies, kick puppies, cause global warming, or single-handedly destroy the global financial system. Honest.

*

Nine or ten years ago, when I was still new to banking, my boss talked to me about Baby Bank's plan to hire a new loan officer. "He's going to make mortgage loans for us to sell on the secondary market."

"Oh? How's that work?" Baby Bank did very few home loans, and I'd always wondered why not.

"We find borrowers who want loans against homes, and make them loans according to Fannie Mae's standards. Then we sell them to another bank, who pays us a fee. Then that bank sells them to Fannie Mae, who pays a fee to that bank to service the loans, and packages the loan together with other loans and sells them to investors as securitized investments ... bonds, basically."

"Investors ... like ... banks?" I said. "Like us?"

"Yes."

"Doesn't this sound ... unnecessarily complicated to you? Why don't we just lend the borrower the money ourselves and keep the loan?"

"They offer much better rates than we can. Twenty or third points better. We can't match their rates, so the only way for us to do these kinds of loans is to offer their rates and sell them the loans."

"Which are paying fee slices to two other parties and making a profit for Fannie Mae too? How do they do that?"

"I have no idea."

Thus began my distrust of the FMs. I learned more about them over the years, none of which made me like them any better. After we hired the new loan officer, I went to a seminar with him on how to make loans that met their guidelines. This would've been in '98 or '99. They touted products for customers with high credit scores that required downpayments of only 5% of the sale price and waived requirements to provide proof of income and other documentation they deemed superfluous.

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are, or rather, were, government-chartered institutions with a mandate to increase home ownership through loans to American home buyers and owners. However, they were not government-owned nor government-guaranteed. They were a private company. ("Private" here in the sense of "not government owned". They're publicly traded on the stock market, like Microsoft or Lehman Brothers.) When they made money, their stockholders benefited. If they lost money, their stockholders, in theory, lost money.

Except that no one ever expected the latter to happen. The FMs offered rock-bottom rates for their loans to consumers. Those who bought the securitized investments received commeasurately low rates for the investments. Because everyone, and I mean everyone, thought that if those investments ever nose-dived the Feds would bail out the FMs.

Meanwhile, the FMs worked at gobbling up the market, which is easy to do when you're offering the best rate in town. They doled out tens of millions of dollars lobbying Congress for less oversight and extensions to their charter. They wanted to raise the cap on the size of loans they could make, and lower their standards for the quality of loans they could make.

They are, as a result, huge. They own or guarantee roughly half the housing market in US. That's about six trillion dollars. Not billion. Trillion. 6,000,000,000,000. Fun comparison: the entire United States debt is a bit under ten trillion. But bear in mind that this six trillion is not money owed *by* the FMs -- it's money owed *to* them or to the investors they've sold it to. The money gets funneled around every which way. Also, $6 trillion is the face value; a substantial fraction of that portfolio is severely devalued as the result of the mortgage market meltdown. How much of it? No one knows yet. That's part of the problem. This isn't because the FMs are evil and trying to hide their losses, incidentally. It's because the market is still melting down and no one knows when it will stabilize or where.

However, the FMs, like everyone other lending institution in the world, is leveraged. The right analogy isn't "I took $10,000 out of my savings account and lent it to Bob, who didn't pay me back and now I'm out the money, wah." The analogy is closer to "I borrowed $10,000 from my bank and lent it to Bob, who didn't pay it back and now I have to file for bankruptcy." But it's more complicated than that, because the investors have varying levels of recourse. So: "I took $100 from my savings account, had Mary chip in $8000 that she'd only get paid back if Bob paid me back in full, had David chip in $1000 on the condition that he'd get paid back by Bob first, and borrowed $900 from a bank myself, and lent $10,000 to Bob" is a little more accurate. I am both simplifying and making up the ratios; I don't know the exact details of Fannie or Freddie's tens of millions of deals.

And of course, having all those extra people involved makes the chain a disaster when it unwinds, because at every step of the way someone will look for someone else to blame. Everyone's looking at the paperwork for loopholes, and if they find anything, they sue. The investors sue FM, FM sues the loan servicer, the loan servicer sues the broker. Also, since every loan is owned by a pool of investors and this complex chain of intervening layers, no one actually has the authority to renegotiate with a struggling borrower. The complexity of the chain forces foreclosure even when foreclosure is a lousy option, because the contract allows no other possibility. This problem is endemic to the mortgage market, not unique to the FMs, but it's still one of their problems.

Now, our problem with the FMs is multifold. Arguably, they never should have been chartered. Having been chartered, they should have been stuck with their original mission of increasing home ownership among low-income citizens, and not allowed to expand in every direction. Having been allowed to expand in every direction, they should have been subject to a whole pile more scrutiny. Congress made this problem, and Congress had a multitude of chances to rein it in and chose not to. Anyone who looked could see that the FMs were a disaster waiting to happen. The Wall Street Journal has been preaching against them for years. But the FMs were allowed to sail on. Their meltdown was their own doing: they're the ones who provided the financing for the run-up in housing prices in the first place.

I hate -- and unless you have been watching these people steal business from your bank for years based on lies and political incest, you cannot understand the depth and passion of my hatred -- I hate that the Feds bailed them out. Because, of course, that's the whole reason they had this giant competitive advantage over the rest of the industry; that's the way they drove the rest of the industry into increasingly risky ventures in a vain effort to compete. Because everyone always knew that they'd get bailed out. The feds wouldn't let them fail.

But, even more depressingly, I know that at this stage of the game it's much too late for the feds to do anything else but bail them out. The FMs can't be allowed to simply fail and force all their stockholders and all those buyers of securitized investments to take a bath. Because that's everyone. Everybody holds those investments. They're considered almost as stable as Treasury bonds (because, you know, everyone "knew" the US gov't would guarantee them in the end -- and look! they were right! *FUME*) As bad as the whole premise of the FMs was and as much as they deserved to fail, their collapse would take down the global market. It wouldn't be quite as bad as the US federal government defaulting on its debt (that would be TEOTWAWKI), but it'd be close.

So the US taxpayer will bail them out, because the US taxpayer was already going to get screwed one way or the other and this way is cheaper than another Great Depression would be.

Not that I'm not bitter.

In conclusion:

The FMs are an example of "private profit, public risk". For decades, the FMs raked in the cash for their shareholders and investors. Now that their bets have finally soured, the US taxpayer is going to pay for their risks. This is not a failure of the free market, because the free market didn't make the FMs: Congress did. The FMs represented the worst aspects of the market and government; it didn't even have the benefit of a nationalized institution where at least the taxpayer makes money when the agency.

I'm not saying that everything driving prices in the market down right now is the fault of the FMs. Lehman Bros. filing for bankruptcy is pretty much the result of normal free market forces. But this rant is long enough already. If I muster up the energy I'll write more about that later.
rowyn: (Default)
I was looking at this article, which blames the focus on the war on terror for the lack of attention to abuse of women. This doesn't strike me as an unfair accusation -- nor is it one that's hard to understand. The "plight of tens of thousands of abused Pakistani women" doesn't exactly compare to the millions displaced or killed by Darfur's genocide in Sudan, either. OTOH, the plight of these women is endemic, not catastrophic: it may not seem as bad when comparing a year's worth of casualties, but it's going to keep happening forever unless attitudes are changed.

But the part in the article that really annoyed me was this:

U.S. government money to Pakistan has shifted from predominantly humanitarian aid before the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks to military and counterterrorism funding since, further complicating the efforts to aid and educate women. The majority of the $11 billion in post-September 11 U.S. aid to Pakistan has gone to the country's military, leaving less than 10 percent of the funding for humanitarian needs, such as shelters, education and burn centers for those woman frequently scalded by acid as a punishment.


Waitaminute, I thought. Aid "shifted"? We hardly cared about Pakistan at all before 9/11. Are you trying to tell me the amount of total aid given to Pakistan post- and pre- 9/11 is even in the same ballpark?

So I looked it up. Comparing the last 4 years of data to the 4 years prior to 2001:

Total military and economic aid 1997-2000: $173.7 million
Total military and economic aid 2003-2006: $2,745.9 million

Aid to Pakistan in just about every category has stayed the same or risen (with the exception of food aid, which has dropped off somewhat). There's no "shift" that I can see of money that used to go to Pakistani women's shelters now funneled to build bombs. Be real: if the war on terror ended tomorrow, America wouldn't start using the military assistance funds for Pakistan to stop domestic violence there instead.

I'm not saying the article doesn't have a point: I find it entirely plausible that the US is unwilling to bring up humanitarian issues with its strategic allies. But complaining that "less than 10%" is being allocated to humanitarian causes when that "less than 10%" is still more than the total level of foreign aid was before the war -- well, that's not exactly filling me with confidence in the rest of their assertions.
rowyn: (determined)
A couple of weeks ago, gender differences were all over LJ. I had some things I wanted to say about the topic, and didn't. Maybe because it didn't seem worth the trouble of writing down, maybe because everyone else seemed to have said it all, already.

Except that I never did read some of the things I most wanted to say, so maybe it hadn't all been said.

Some of what I saw a few weeks ago felt like it was aimed at making men feel ashamed for being male.

That bothered me. A lot.

I've always considered myself a feminist, in the sense of thinking "all humans are created equal and should be treated accordingly by law and society". In the sense that biology is not destiny, and that individuals should be judged by their abilities and actions, not their gender. That's what "feminist" meant to me as a kid: that women and men are equals. Maybe not "identical", but generally worth treating similarly in the absence of any other distinguishing information.

I don't know what "feminist" means to other people. To some it seems to mean "one who believes that women are victims of male oppression" or "one who thinks there's an evil conspiracy by the patriarchy to dominate women" or "one who thinks women are better than men". I don't think any of those things. (At least, not about modern American society. In some other cultures "male oppression" is a lot more applicable.) If that's what you think feminist means, then I'm not one.

I don't feel oppressed. I don't feel like a victim. I never have.

I'm not saying prejudice isn't out there, or that it doesn't affect other women in negative ways. Or even that it hasn't affected me. I don't feel it and I don't think about it, and that makes it less real to me but not less real.

At the bank where I work, at least 90% of the employees are female. At my branch, out of about twenty-five people, two are male. My department is loan operations; we do all the back-office support for loans -- preparing documents, processing payments and advances, booking loans, etc. There isn't a single man in loan operations, out of twenty-plus people. Among the sixteen loan officers, who are substantially better paid than loan ops, one is a woman. She works in collections and has no lending authority.

I don't think this is an accident, or coincidence. I don't think gender has nothing to do with it.

But I don't think it's because the bank won't hire women as loan officers, or men as loan processors. I don't think it's because men are trying to keep us down, to maintain "male privelege". I'm not even sure it is privilege, because being a loan officer is a sucky high-pressure job. The bank couldn't pay me enough to do it, and even if they did I'd be terrible at it.

I don't know what exactly causes the disparity, whether it's subtle cues lingering in the way we treat each other, or part of genetic propensity or what. But one thing I'm pretty sure of: it's not a male conspiracy against women. It's not men saying "women are too stupid/weak/incompetent" to do this job. I don't even think it's men at all, not anymore. Women are also complicit in accepting what's expected of their role. Men are complicit in accepting their roles, too.

These roles aren't imposed for the benefit of either gender above the other.

If I'd been born a man, I think I'd be a computer programmer now instead of a bank employee with an English degree. If [livejournal.com profile] koogrr had been born a woman, I think she'd be an artist now instead of an engineer. I think I'm happier as a bank employee and a wannabe author than I'd be programming computers. I think Koogrr would be happier as a starving artist. That's where gender roles got us. Is it a privilege? For which?

Am I privileged to have been encouraged to place my happiness and the people I love before my career and material wealth? Is he privileged to have been encouraged to pursue material wealth and judge his worth based on his financial success?

I don't like gender roles. I don't like one-size solutions. But I don't dislike them because they screw my gender. I dislike them because they screw people. Men and women. Anyone who doesn't fit in the right box gets shafted. Stay-at-home fathers and career women, male kindergartner teachers and female loan officers. Women who don't want children and men who cry when they're upset. Women who dress for comfort and men who want to be beautiful. It doesn't matter how you don't fit in, all that matters is you're swimming against a current of expectations. Silly expectations.

[livejournal.com profile] haikujaguar wrote a good post on comparative pain -- the point being, it does not compare. I don't know if she was thinking about this when she wrote it, but I was when I read it.

That men get falsely accused of rape does not compare to women being raped. That women get locked out of high-pressure jobs does not compare to men dying young from the stress of high-pressure jobs. That men get judged by the size of their wallets does not compare to women being judged by the size of their chest. The one does not justify the other. It is not okay.

People seldom want to hear about the problems of others when they are weighted down by their own. Don't tell me my problems aren't real. Don't tell me they're insignificant compared to yours, or someone else's. Don't tell me it's all in my head. Don't tell me the things I see can't be real just because you don't see them. It's real to me.

Our problems are real to all of us, and we're all in this together, doing the best we can to rise above them. That's the important thing.

I'm rambing. What I want to say is this:

Most of my friends are male. This isn't because I like men better than women. I just happen to like a lot of male-dominated hobbies so I mostly meet men.

I do not feel patronized by men, or devalued, or objectified, or looked down upon. I can't imagine thinking such things as characteristics of my friends. My friends generally have more respect for my intelligence than I do. It pisses me off to see people write these things about half of the human race, about my friends, to look at men as if they need to apologize for being male, for existing, for having gotten stuck with a gender role they never asked for.

I didn't ask for my gender role either, but you know what? Mostly I'm grateful for it. I'm glad I can cry when I'm unhappy and hug my friends and say "That's a nice dress" and be sexy when I want to and all the other things I got with the Female Package Deal. When I look at the kinds of problems men have to deal with, I think, "I'm so glad that's not me."

I'm sure it works fine for plenty of men, of course. It's a pretty roomy box in America and it fits a lot of men fine.

Still.

I just want to say, to all my friends, that your gender isn't anything you need to apologize for.
rowyn: (studious)
Encouraging risk-taking is a big part of American society. It's one of the reasons that capitalism works: it encourages risk-taking by offering big individual rewards for success. Pure communism discourages risk-taking by offering very little reward for success (perhaps fame or some trickle-down benefit gaiined from helping everyone, but no jackpots).

The flip side of the reward for success is the cost of failure. A high penalty for failure discourages risk-taking. This is, to a degree, good, because you want to discourage people from taking stupid risks. But if the penalties are too severe, then otherwise good bets will start to look bad. For example, let's say I want to invest money in an idea that I believe has a 75% chance of returning 200% on my investment, and a 25% chance of losing everything. From a pure-math standpoint, this is a rational risk. My average return would be 125% of my investment: clearly right.

But let's say that I need $1,000 to invest, and that this is my rent money and I'll be evicted if I lose it. Suddenly, the total price of failure is significantly higher. It still might be right to invest, but I'm going to be much less happy about it if I lose.

Now let's say I need $10,000 to invest, and the only way I can get it is by borrowing money that I won't be ably to pay back if I lose on the investment. Let's assume I'm facing both eviction and bankruptcy if I lose now. That extra $20,000 3/4ths of the time isn't looking so great compared to financial ruin 1/4th of the time.

As a last example: imagine that there are no bankruptcy laws and America has debtor's prison instead, with jail sentences of two months for every $1000. In this instance, borrowing the money to invest it in something so risky would be wholly irrational if not outright insanity.

In my ideal world, I think I want this investment to look, roughly, about as attractive whether I have to borrow the money to invest it or not. I don't want it to look more attractive if I'm borrowing the money (because it's not "my" money) but I don't want it to look markedly less attractive, either (because of horrific penalities for failure to repay). It's a good risk: I want to encourage people to take it.

By contrast, I do not want my ideal world to encourage people to take bad risks. A program that said "you can claim as a tax credit any losses on investments" would be horrible, because that would make otherwise stupid risks rational. A scenario where there's a 95% chance of total loss and a 5% chance of doubling the investment would suddenly become mathematically right, because the government would be covering my losses 95% of the time and I still get to keep my gains the 5% that it works out. This is bad.

I'm a libertarian in part because I believe that government intervention far more often encourages bad risks than good ones. For example, I don't like the idea of a government bailout of any of the parties (lenders, borrowers, or investors) to the real estate market meltdown, because these are all people who engaged in risky behavior that would have profited them greatly had it worked out. It did not work out, and ameliorating that risk for them means encouraging them and others after them to take similar poor risks and expect a government bailout.

But as I think of the distinction between "debtor's prison" and "bankruptcy", I wonder if there are other ways in which law could encourage responsible risk-taking. What could the government do to help people to take good risks without making bad risks attractive?
rowyn: (hmm)
I've never liked the idea of "hate crime" legislation. Of course, that's not because I think it's okay to beat someone up for being gay or Muslim or transgendered or whatever. It's that I don't see it as worse to beat someone up because of the group they belong to than it is to beat them up "because I felt like it".

"No, I'm an equal opportunity thug. I just like maiming people."

"Oh, well, that's better than doing it because of the group they represent. We won't punish you as harshly as we would someone who only did that to transvestites."

...

The motive in a crime does matter; it's one of the elements that predicts how dangerous the criminal is likely to be in the future. And maybe hate criminals really are worse than other kinds of criminals, that they poison society more than the actions of other kinds of sadists and thugs do. There's an argument to be made for that. People change their behavior somewhat out of fear of random crime -- not jogging alone at night, or avoiding dangerous neighbors. But people who fear persecution change their behavior a lot more, because they can predict that holding hands or kissing their SO in public will increase their chances of being physically harmed. That's much worse.

So maybe the important thing in singling out hate crimes for legislation is not that this particular criminal act is worse, per se, but that it has such a poisonous effect on society that it's more important that it be stamped out than that random crime be stopped.

I do know there's another category of crime that does bother me more than other sorts, but that no one ever suggests legislating. Call it a "violation of trust" crime. The kind where criminals wait by the side of a highway, pretending their car broke down. Then when someone stops to help, they mug that person. Or people who knock on doors and ask to use the phone so they can get inside and rob the house.

Those specific ones are a lot rarer in the age of cellphones, because it's rarer that someone in trouble really wouldn't be able to call for help. But I'm sure there are other kinds that have taken their place. I hate these kinds more than burglars who rob your house while you're at work, or people who steal cars out of parking lots or whatever. Because when your house gets broken into because your lock isn't very good, you might think "maybe I should get a bolt for the door" or "maybe I should get a security system".

But when someone victimizes you because you were nice enough to offer help to a stranger, you think "maybe I shouldn't help strangers."

And I really hate the lesson that teaches.
rowyn: (Default)
Every work day, I wear my hair the same way. I tie it back with one ponytail holder, then I braid it into a single queue straight down my back. And then I secure the braid with three ponytail holders: One red, one white, and one blue. The colored ponytail holders are getting frayed around the edges from use.

I don't wear it this way on my days off, usually, though I will be today.

I've used the red, white, and blue theme since, I don't know, September 17th or so. I didn't think of it right away. But I started when everyone was flying flags from their car antenna, or wearing them on their lapels. But the car flags fray so quickly they seem disrespectful to me , and I'm not good about remembering things like lapel pins. But I always braided my hair, anyway. I use the three regardless of what clothing I'm wearing. A little patriotism, I think, is always in style.

Happy birthday, America.

I love you.

I miss you.

Please don't be such a stranger to me.
rowyn: (Default)
A few thoughts on things about "sexual abuse" reporting that bugs me.

To start with, the term "sexual abuse" has no meaning whatsoever for me anymore. I'll read news reports that call it "sexual abuse" when a 20 year-old man forces a toddler to perform oral sex. I've heard the same phrase "sexual abuse" used to describe far more innocuous acts. Teachers in kindergartens don't hug their pupils any more because if the toddler happens to complain, suddenly that hug was "sexual abuse".

Now, this may just be me, but not only do I distinguish a moral difference between these two acts, but I'll go so far as to say there's a difference between a man who rapes his twelve year-old niece and threatens to beat her to a pulp if she tells anyone, and a twelve year-old girl who thinks she's in love with her thirty-something neighbor and consents to have sex with him.

Neither of the above cases are "right" or "good" in my mind. But the former is considerably weightier as a crime. The girl clearly suffers at the point of the crime and will continue to suffer afterwards. In the latter case, the girl will, very likely, suffer at some future point: she will get older, she will regret her crush, she will resent the man who took advantage of her.

But, even though children cannot give "informed consent," I still think the distinction is meaningful. Both men in both cases have committed reprehensible acts, but while I have no sympathy whatsoever for the first, I have a little for the second.

The media doesn't distinguish. I read about this "rampant pedophilia" in the Catholic Church with "hundreds of reported cases" and "multi-million dollar civil suits" and I wonder: what did these priests actually do?

And if they are serial rapists, moved from parish to parish by bishops who were concealing the evidence of their actions, well, for goodness' sake, why aren't they facing criminal prosecution? Why am I reading about lawsuits against Catholic parishes (and, last I heard, it's not entire parishes that are being accused of mass orgies with children), and not about District Attorneys pressing charges specific individuals for criminal acts, and obstruction of justice? Last I heard, rape, sodomy, and sexual assault were all crimes.

Why don't we ever prosecute people any more? Why is it always organizations? The "Catholic Church" or "Arthur Andersen, LLC" are just words. Just names. Names don't commit crimes. People do. Why aren't we prosecuting them?
rowyn: (Default)
I wanted to write this down, because I've had a hard time finding mortality statistics for medeival or third-world countries. This is from an article on the front [page of the May 10th Wall Street Journal. It is talking about modern Niger, an African nation north of Nigeria and south of Libya and Algeria.

"80% adult illiteracy, 45-year life expectancy, and pockets where 40% of the children die before the age of five "
rowyn: (Default)
I rarely talk about the things I believe in, or write about them, for that matter, unless I know there's a large area of agreement between me and my audience.
Read more... )
rowyn: (Default)
As [livejournal.com profile] prester_scott has been talking about the latest work our Congress has been up to, I thought I'd track down the actual bill involved. Here it is, for everyone who likes to know exactly what the government is doing to you today.

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